Tag Archives: elections

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Thoughts on Winning Over Voters

Canvassing

Addressing Potential Voters is Increasingly Problematic.

With communication technologies, we often substitute the convenient for the best. We can break off a long friendship with a text. But so impersonal a message is arguably a long way from meeting to talk through a suddenly troubled relationship. Ditto to a friend in behalf of a particular political candidate. We should expect what is innately human: presenting ourselves and our words in real time and space. The timeless and innate defaults of discourse should not be lightly tossed aside. Among other things, disembodied messages enable all kinds of unintended noise. Just try reading someone’s body language in a Zoom meeting. It is like night driving with dark glasses.

voting

To be sure, there are obvious advantages to various electronic extensions. Mass media allow millions to receive a single message. We expect that the great and significant will come to us through many channels, sometimes low levels of retention. Skepticism is also justified given the number of “dark posts” that hide the actual sources of deceitful messages. These may ostensibly support a candidate, but deliberately offend readers in the process. If a campaign has enough money, there are also many ways to target voters using radio or cable advertising strategically.

And let’s make it even more complicated. Predicting elections through polling actually measures attitudes. We ask people what they think. But voting itself is a private behavior. As we all know, what people say and what they do can be two different things: a factor that might mean the possibility of a Trump polling undercount. After all, he is a convicted felon and, according to a federal judge, the rapist of E. Jean Carroll. Voters may prefer to hedge what they say to a pollster.

And so to a timely and practical question. How are voters for the upcoming election to be reached by candidates or committed activists?

As interesting or unsettling as it is, let’s aside the presidential race a moment. There are roughly 510,000 electoral offices in the United States. Many of those seeking support in a local election have no better option than to canvass their friends and neighbors door to door. Paid media is often too expensive. So is phone or direct mail enough to have a positive effect on a person’s voting behavior? As the 2000 study below suggests, neither form is likely to increase voter turnout.  At that time only in-person contact (via door to door canvasing or a live meeting with a candidate) are likely to move the needle. Canvassing increased the baseline of voter turnout by almost 10 percent.

Of course campaign tools are now more varied. We have many more ways to target voters, using public voter data and social media algorithms to reach potential supporters and voters. But getting real action may mean getting past the advertising clutter and stock appeals on social media to showing up as a citizen’s front door. One interesting study indicates that attitudes about transphobia could be moderated in about ten percent of the population if a personal appeal was made—again—at a homeowner’s front porch.

However promising these results, there is now reason to believe that our increasingly digital world  as well as the long interregnum of Covid pose challenges to engaging others on their doorstep.  A neighborly knock on the door seems to be greeted with more caution. One common alternative is to formally invite neighbors over to meet a candidate. In this  format a city council candidate visits perhaps four homes over several days where a supporter has promised to fill their living room with potential supporters.  The larger the constituency, the more the gathered group will hear from a volunteer, a candidate’s partner or staff member.

It is also good to remember that elections on won on the margins. Not everyone needs to be persuaded. In most cases a change of about 6 percent of those voting is enough to make the formerly defeated candidate the top vote getter.

The Decline of Campaign Predictability

 

   “Internet Research Agency,” St. Petersburg Russia        

The current unease in the politics of Western nations owes a lot to the disruptive effects of social media contagion, seen in the rise of the yellow jackets of France, avid Brexiters in the United Kingdom, and America’s MAGA enthusiasts, who accept the trashing of American political traditions as payback for being left on the political margins.

We are on the edge of another extended presidential contest, reflected in the growing preoccupation of  the national news media on possible challengers in both parties.  While its natural to speculate on those who might rise to become a party’s nominee, forces in play now make this handicapping process far less predictive.

The parties once had a tighter grip on its members and it’s brighter lights who were ready to vie for the nomination.  But they are now weaker and less cohesive.  Leaders and rising stars within them still claim attention, but steering the nomination is more difficult. The difference is the growth of social media.  Think of a poker game with two wildcards.  That can make for some surprises. Now imagine another game with eight wildcards, which would make any bet far less certain. That’s roughly the effect that media contagion can have on those who want to end up at the top of the heap.  Twitter and other social media are always potential disruptors in ways that the once dominant broadcast networks were not.

To be sure, those of us who have studied presidential politics used to be cheered by the decline of the “smoke filled room” of ‘pols’ who could make private deals well out of sight of the the public side of a campaign.  For example, John F. Kennedy’s father, Joseph P. Kennedy, famously helped pave the way for the nomination of his son. The elder Kennedy and his friends had the power to make it happen. Now, not only are there no back rooms with true power-brokers, there is no process-centered roadmap that will help predict how the finalists in this long struggle for party dominance will fare.  Once they ‘surface’ as candidates they will hit a maw of social media forces not easily controlled by anyone. The serendipitous nature  of peer to peer connection is now a driverless car, leaving a lot up in the air in terms of where a candidate will end up. Add in the seemingly endless desire of Russian state actors who can sabotage campaigns with misinformation or inflammatory rhetoric.  The point is that the effects of these forces cannot be predicted in advance.  It is in the nature of internet contagion that private citizens and others blending with them will create campaign roadblocks no more predictable than a California mudslide. The best we can do is know that some of these narratives will weaken strong contenders, while leaving others mostly untouched.

This was partly the fate of the Clinton campaign in 2016.  A range of factors contributed to her defeat: Wikileaks “dumps” of private emails, Trump  campaign contacts with Russians eager to see her lose, and a hefty dose of nativist appeals. Trump himself has tried to quell astounding but credible speculation that he is a willing or unwilling “Russian asset.”  Yet in other ways the fate of his administration is also to be determined by the social media cards that remain to be dealt.

 

We cannot predict whose identities and fantasies might be triggered by factual or fabricated narratives.

 

This defeat of even minimal predictability owes much to the gap between what might be called a “strategic/rhetorical” model of politics and a new and more fluid model of how information now enters the public sphere.  The first assumes an understanding of the rules and key audiences that must be satisfied.  The second blurs the idea of “audiences” altogether.  At this stage and for the immediate future, we cannot know whose identities and fantasies might be triggered by factual or fabricated narratives from unvetted sources.  The best we can know is that when they arise, the “viable candidate” of today may suddenly look unelectable.

In short, the politics of Western nations is now shaped by the disruptive power of social media contagion, seen in the yellow jackets of France, avid Brexiters in the United Kingdom, and America’s MAGA enthusiasts.