red and black bar

A Lion in Winter

Pliable, accommodating, and conscious of the trail of impressions they leave, ‘rhetorical personalities’ are intrepid seekers of approval, even in ‘hostile’ social settings.

It has been a few years since Bill Clinton has been in the news. But it should have been no surprise when he showed up at the recent Democratic National Convention in Chicago. For years Clinton has been the go-to guy to rally the troops. In this case it was to sing the praises of candidate Kamala Harris and ding the opposition. Still a commanding figure with a full head of white hair, it perhaps should not have been a surprise when his voice had thinned and grown a bit softer. But he was still interesting, even if he lacked the swagger that made him a special case in the annals of political communication.

For me, the fun of seeing Clinton is that it was a good reminder that I had not so long ago put forward a theory of the “rhetorical personality,” making the case that this former Governor of Arkansas represented the best available example of person reveling in his role as a public advocate. For most of his life, connecting with others was everything: the source of his energy, effectiveness, persuasiveness, and some occasional missteps. I wasn’t alone in making this assessment. Clinton was the subject of a Mike Nichols film Primary Colors (1998), depicting the roller coaster of the 1992 presidential campaign. Chris Hegedus’ and D. A. Pennebaker’s documentary about that campaign, The War Room (1993), is also now a classic. At the time, “creatives” sensed that Clinton was someone who could deliver the drama and rhetoric to match his considerable ambitions. In short, he is a masterful politician and a brilliant rhetor. Very few people willingly left in the middle of a Bill Clinton speech.

Perfect Response book cover

I started the book with the subtitle “Studies of the Rhetorical Personality” with a tribute by the veteran reporter, Joe Klein, who wrote the definitive study of Clinton’s early life and considerable charisma.  Appropriately, Klein titled the book The Natural (2002), explaining its meaning in the Preface.

“His ability to talk, to empathize, to understand; his willingness to fall behind schedule, to infuriate his staff, merely because some stray citizen on a rope line had a problem or a story that needed to be heard—will doubtless stand as his most memorable quality. Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota . . .once told me a story about a friend of his, a schoolteacher named Dennis Wadley, who was dying of cancer in 1994. “Dennis was a political junkie,” Wellstone recalled, “and I arranged for him to meet the President just before he died. We met at the end of the day, at a local television station in Minneapolis. Clinton came right over to us and he immediately sized up the situation—Dennis didn’t want to talk about his disease, he wanted to have a policy discussion.  And the President stood there, for forty-five minutes, and gave Dennis the gift of taking him seriously, listening to him, responding intelligently. He never mentioned the illness. It was an incredibly gracious act, entirely natural.”

Pliable, accommodating, and conscious of the trail of impressions they leave, rhetorical personalities are intrepid explorers even in potentially hostile social settings. Their lives gain purpose in deeds executed through interactions with others. They seem permanently situated in a kind of southern exposure, drawing energy from their surroundings and giving it back even when others have cooled. As Bill Clinton’s many critics have reminded us, being a rhetorical personality does not make an individual a better person. Nor does it say much about their political judgment. It simply means they are better tuned to pick up and react to the vibes of others. In short, they are other directed, filled with genuine empathy, and loquacious.  We’ve seen these features in the lives in figures as diverse as the recently deceased tv host Phil Donahue, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and former South Bend mayor Pete Buttigieg, the recent Prime Minister of New Zealand, Jacinda Ardern, and former U.N. Ambassador Madeleine Albright. All used their positions to expand their reach to a larger audience, at the same time remaining open to the challenges of different kinds of stakeholders. Donahue might seem an odd choice, but his easy transactional style was used to good effect in a week in 1987 when he moved his show to Moscow.  The host’s willingness to risk his popularity shows the confidence and pleasure a rhetorical personality gets from direct exchanges from others.

As to the model of Clinton, we see his adaptation to a group in one of the 1992 presidential debates against George W. Bush.

And here’s a clip from his 2024 DNC appearance in Chicago. A slower pace and thinner voice is evident, but the pleasure of making a point still comes through.

red white blue bar

When We Are the Problem

The old adage that ‘we get the politicians that we deserve’ may be more accurate than we think.

The final chapter of his political career is now being written for former New York Representative George Santos, who has pleaded guilty to a host of financial and legal infractions, and for deceiving constituents and election officials in New York’s Third Congressional District. Last May a U.S. District Court indicted Santos for money laundering and wire fraud, soon adding 23 counts, including charging $44,000 on credit cards funded by campaign contributors. His guilty plea will require financial restitution involving hundreds of thousands of dollars. And he could spend up to eight years in prison.

As is now well known, Santos fabricated most of his biography while courting friends within the Republican Party on Long Island, winning their endorsement and defeating Representative Rob Zimmerman in November of 2022. He won that election in a virtual news blackout that kept his checkered past away from the public: this, in the media capital of the nation with multiple newspapers. Only after his malfeasance became known was he expelled from the House in December of 2023.

My interest here is less about Santos and more about the troubling fact that the 4th wealthiest congressional district in the United States could elect a bad imitation of Zelig as their representative. Where was the due diligence of journalists, party leaders and the public who should have quickly flagged Santos as a not-very-sophisticated phony? The New York Times began to examine the false claims of wealth and a suspicious resume in December, after he was elected. They were well behind the tiny North Shore Leader in the district that correctly reported before the election that Santos “boasts like an insecure child, but he’s most likely just a fabulist, a fake.”

The paper usually endorsed Republicans, but opted for Zimmerman that year. Why had the media center of the nation with many news outlets not bothered to examine the fraudulent Trump acolyte right under their noses? It was not because he was engaged in a sophisticated ruse. Among many other lies, Santos claimed that he was a summa cum laude graduate of Baruch College, received an MBA from New York University, and worked for Citigroup and Goldman Sachs: all not true and easily checked. Santos’ hostility to LGBQ rights also rang false when someone discovered that he once performed in Brazilian drag performances: not itself disqualifying, but out-of-sync with the image he projected to voters. A district with an average household income in six digits surely had the resources to raise questions about his credibility. Upper crust heirs of the Van Cortlands, Roosevelts, and Clintons were complicit.

It would be foolish to assume that Santos was the rare solitary candidate to have skated on the thin ice of lies and deceptions. His case is just one of many “Strange but True” stories about American politicians that keep much of the rest of the world alternately entertained and alarmed. Even while there have been wonderful members in both bodies of the Congress, the case is a reminder that Americans with all the advantages of life may still be too bored or distracted to apply even elemental standards of character to determine a candidate’s veracity. If most of the folks in the 3rd District of New York were blind to who their representatives are, what hope is there for smaller districts with practically no news-gathering resources? For that matter, should we worry about whether enough Americans are discerning enough to see red flags in a current crop of presidential candidates, including one who inexplicably left the carcass of a bear cub in Central Park, and another who is facing jail time for a number of felonies?