Category Archives: Rhetorical Mastery

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What Makes Us Think We Are In Charge?

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We want to find more intentionality than diverse actors will allow. The culprit is the pronoun “they,” which over-simplifies our world and catches us in traps of our own making.

As humans we are hardwired to look for motivations behind human behavior.  It’s our destiny to think in story-like structures, which usually include answers to the “whys” of any action. Give stage or film actors a line or a specific movement, and they are likely to ask a director for the motivation behind it.  Like them, we are all actors.

We are usually right to assign responsibility for conduct to a fully functioning adult. It is not unreasonable to assume that individuals can make decisions from an array of available choices.  Notwithstanding some neuroscientists who want to reduce human conduct to chemistry, most of us make the reasonable assumption that people really do have intentions. They act on their beliefs, habits and preferences. Notwithstanding myriad sources influence, they are still capable of choosing between on specific choices.

But this simple logic is where things drift to complications. This pattern of thinking can easily be overextended when assigned to individuals or groups. It is sometimes a considerable stretch to have the insight to know the causes of conduct.

Take the case of individuals first. A simple example: a friend who is a geriatric psychotherapist frequently complains that staffs in nursing facilities usually assume that a patient is “acting out” when they are unkind or manipulative. In our language these kinds of descriptions usually imply volition: the patient intended to behave in a certain way. The problem, of course, is that most of these folks have dementia, which robs them of the essential gift of agency. Their behavior is not necessarily what they would have done if the neural pathways once available to them were still intact. The result is sometimes to punish the patient rather than to acknowledge that their behavior is not easily overridden.

We can’t easily scale up the idea of purpose to large and diverse groups.

In cases of groups, assigning intentionality can easily drift into fantasy. A while back a guest newspaper column by Max Boot also caught my eye because of this problem. He criticized the Republican Party for carefully nurturing negative attitudes about scientific research and serious intellectual inquiry.  In effect, he made the Party an agent engaged in a concerted effort to dumb-down complex problems such as climate change, immigration reform and a sometimes-sluggish American economy.  On the other side, we have heard members of the GOP make the absurd claim that Democrats are trying to “groom” children to accept an alien social identity.

The problem is that individuals—even in groups—rarely have the same reasons or motivations for their actions. Boot is right that many in the GOP are suspicious of reasoned arguments based on solid science. My doubts extend only to attributing a clear purpose to the party itself. The problem with his assertion is that political groups in the United States are almost never well organized. “Members” see things from their own unique perspectives.  And most have only paper-thin levels of loyalty. Maybe the military or any tightly run corporation may have “intentions” or “missions,” but parties: not so much.

The same mistake is often made about the President, who is supposedly able to control of a dizzying array of national challenges. But the real story is that we also assign too much agency to the Presidency. For example, most economists believe the chief executive cannot significantly change the course of the economy. We may want to think of the American business cycle as under the thumb of the White House. A more accurate view is that our multifaceted economy is an engine without a single engineer.  Indeed, most presidents would welcome the chance to be as powerful as is widely believed.  The norm for these leaders is to leave office frustrated at how little influence they were able to exert over the many far-flung agencies of the federal bureaucracy.  F.D.R., for example, complained that he couldn’t even get fundamental changes in the Navy, even though he was its Commander and once served a stint as the Navy’s Assistant Secretary.

The prime rhetorical culprit here is the pronoun “they.” The English language invites us to singularize responsibility under the umbrella of this term.  But a better reading of the world as it is usually means that we can’t scale up the idea of purpose to large and diverse groups. The pronoun over-simplifies our world, catching us in traps that sacrifice accuracy for a degree of unearned clarity.

                                                                              

How we assign motives to others is a fascinating subject.  For a more systematic account from the writer about this process see The Rhetoric of Intention in Human Affairs (Lexington, 2013).

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Living with Our Contradictions

The complexity of our world often requires multiple responses about any single individual.

Across the nation chapters of the Audubon Society have been groping with the question of whether the racism of their namesake is a blemish that must be erased. In his day, not only did naturalist John James Audubon give us exacting visual images of the birds of North America, but he also held the view that slavery was justified, going so far as to advocate for the return of fugitive slaves to their “owners.”  Audubon accepted the barbarous premises of slave ownership, along with many of the nation’s founding figures. Indeed, even the White House itself and the capitol building were built with the aid of slave labor.  Exposing such a mix of attainment and debasement is now a common pattern for reassessing foundational figures who were once unequivocally revered.  It’s a necessary process, but not as straightforward as it might seem.

We can add in many other everyday complications that might show up in the pasts of other figures we would normally revere: a sibling who contributes to a hate group, a generous mentor who has supported authoritarian politicians, a wonderful actor caught up in a religious cult, or a thinker who anchored an important intellectual tradition while revealing an anti-Semitic streak.  We should not be surprised at how many slave-owning ancestors Henry Louis Gates Jr. discovers in his genealogical series on PBS, Finding Your Roots.  Thanks to Gates’ tact, most of his celebrity subjects take the news with a surprising degree of grace.

And then there are hypocrites: people who say who one thing but conveniently abandon it when it is convenient to do so. Obvious examples are hate bills in legislatures proposed by legislator’s who find it convenient to argue that they are “protecting our freedoms.” “Showhorse” legislators are legendary for committing to ideas that they have refuted in private.

When is forbearance for another’s failures too high a price to pay?

The writer F. Scott Fitzgerald is credited with the famous line that “The test of a first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold two opposing ideas in mind at the same time and still retain the ability to function.”  Most of us have had to deal with the dark beliefs that exist in a corner of an important and productive figure. But when is forbearance too high a price to pay?

Humans born to create, initiate, interpret and invent are bound to engage in actions that seem contradictory. Some are worthy of condemnation; but the pattern is too common to write off the whole species.  After all, we are all we have.  And, to be fair, we are the victims of language forms that handicap the capacity to deal with good people who do or say bad things.

It is obvious that we are more complex than being reduced to a singular response that something is “right” or “wrong,” “true” or “false.” Part of the problem is the common but false view that multiple answers are not possible with humans or the English language, both of which thrive on exclusionary binaries. We perceive with other oppositional terms well: true or false; good or bad; intelligent or stupid; correct or wrong, and so on.  In English, something “is” or “is not.” We don’t typically entertain the idea that a person or an idea is both. Other non-western languages like Mandarin are more able to handle the natural ambiguities of life.

Consider one area where more contingent thinking is absolutely necessary. Researchers in the social sciences have reasonably clear pictures of how most people respond when placed in common situations. We have many theories that make “if”-“then” predictions. For example, group theory includes the idea of “groupthink,” an observational theory that applies most of the time. It predicts that if almost everyone within the same group thinks a certain way, any few holdouts will begin to shift their attitudes to align with the others.  We have a natural interest in blending with the crowd. This kind of prediction generally holds,  but not always. And a good researcher on group behavior knows that the theory will not fully explain what will happen in a specific case.  It’s a necessary instance of “accepting” and not “accepting,” born out of diversities in human responses.

It would be the same for a scientist to hold to their religious faith, even though some teachings hold that the world is only 6000 thousand years old. He or she must know that earth science puts the age of the planet at around 4.5 billion years.  They need to be able to handle both views without looking for a way to fudge the vast temporal difference. In short, the complexity of our world and those of us who inhabit it often requires multiple answers to single questions.  Our multifaced nature should make it harder to completely write anyone off, even when they are guilty of  the serious moral failure of John James Audubon.

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