Category Archives: Rhetorical Mastery

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0 for 2 or 3 for 3?

Was I wrong about A.I.? I believe my arguments still stand, and are clearer if we accept the solid idea that communication involves the assessment of three essential components: a source, message, and audience.

The trouble with writing is that our words sometimes hang around to remind others of the outmoded antiques we once proposed as innovative thoughts. Twice I’ve offered views on what I considered the non-threatening nature of A.I.: one in 2015, and one last year. While it would not be a new experience for me, was I wrong? In this case, I don’t think so.

The upshot of these posts is that A.I. messages will always be problematic because they are not sourced by a single human. We need information about a source to estimate their credibility. Perhaps I was a tad wide of the mark in one piece to say that “humans have nothing to fear” from A.I. But I still think my primary argument stands. It’s based in the centuries-old dictum that communication  messages must be measured against the credibility and motivations of a human agent making them.

In terms of influencing the larger debate, I may be 0 for 2. But I believe nothing has changed if we accept the old dictum that communication involves three essential components: a message, an audience and a source. A.I. systems carry no information about the carrier of a message. A.I. is more encyclopedic and less able to judge good information and sources. In an earlier essay I noted that  A.I. “lacks the kind of human information that we  so readily reveal in our conversations with others. We have a sense of self and an accumulated biography of life experiences that shapes our reactions and dispositions.” In short, the communication that should matter to us is always measured against the known character and motivations of a human source. Knowing something about a source is a key part of understanding what is being said. What do we believe? It depends on who is doing the telling. Should be accept an A.I. version of the claims made frequently in the U.S. about illegal voting? A.I. might dig up background data. But we would still need a fair-minded expert on American voting habits to draw an accurate conclusion.  It is obvious we would want to qualify the source to rule out reasons that might bias their views.

As I noted in previous posts, most meaningful human transactions are not the stuff of machine-based intelligence, and probably never can be. We are not computers. As Walter Isaacson reminds us in The Innovators, we are carbon-based creatures with chemical and electrical impulses that mix to create unique and idiosyncratic individuals. This is when the organ of the brain becomes so much more: the biographical homeland of an experience-saturated mind. With us there is no central processor. We are not silicon-based. There are nearly infinite forms of consciousness in a brain with 100-billion neurons with 100-trillion connections. And because we often “think” in nuanced language and metaphors, we are so much more—and sometimes less—than an encyclopedia on two legs.

We triangulate between our  perceptions of who we are, who the source is, and how the source is processing what they think we know.  This monitoring is full of feedback loops that can produce estimates of intention shaped by relevant lived experience.

Just the idea of selfhood should remind us of the special status that comes from living through dialogue with others. A sense of self is complicated, but it includes the critical ability to be aware of another’s awareness of who we are. If this sounds confusing, it isn’t. This process of making character estimations is central to all but the most perfunctory communication transactions. The results are feelings and judgments that make us smarter about another source’s claims and judgments.

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The one gap in my thinking is what could be called the “Dave” problem. What is to be done with computers that “think” they know best, and set in motion what human designers failed to take into account? It was a problem in Stanley Kubrick’s 2001: A Space Odyssey, and is surely possible because of a bad designer, or one with the intention of creating havoc. But to some extent, this has always been the case with automated systems.

Finally, as I wrote in a previous post. “Everyone seems to be describing humans as information-transfer organisms. But, in truth, we are not particularly good at creating reliable accounts of events. What we seem hardwired to do is to add to our understanding of events around us” by determining the credibility of a source.

Any thoughts? 0 for 3? Write to woodward@tcnj.edu.

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From Settled History to Ideology

                                       Current Taboo Terms in Federal Agencies

We have recently been told by the Trump administration that “improper ideologies” are taught in our schools, universities and cultural institutions.

Lately the Trump administration has taken interest in the exhibits and narratives at some of the nation’s premier museums. Notably, even the Smithsonian Institution has come in for criticism from MAGA dogmatists for going beyond “objective facts” with “distorted narratives driven by ideology rather than the truth.” In a word, they seem unhappy that the nation’s major historical blunders have become part of our shared history: events no longer sufficiently papered over by older and more sentimental narratives. Hence, we get lists of terms (above, collected by the New York Times) that agencies are discouraged from using. Actor Jack Nicholson’s Col. Nathan R. Jessep could have been talking to the MAGA faithful in the film A Few Good Men (1972) when he told other officers “You can’t handle the truth!”

The unspeakable horrors visited on native Americans, and the centuries long struggle of African Americans for freedom and a piece of the American dream are just two of the historical realities that have been traditionally finessed. Even with more grit in modern western films, we still warm to the favored manifest destiny in How the West was Won (1962) than narratives about  the Sand Creek Massacre in eastern Colorado. A marker on the barren plains and a Wikipedia Post remain. But the murder of 750 native American men, women and children in 1864 is history that I never encountered as a student in Denver.

What do we do with atrocities committed in the name of a society we want to celebrate?

We have recently been told by the Trump administration that “improper ideologies” are taught in our schools, universities and cultural institutions, mostly meaning that new and less fantasized cultural sensitivities are now part of the curriculum. The awkward phrase reads like a line in Mao’s Little Red Book, or boilerplate lifted from an old Soviet training manual. Its use suggests a person or group reaching for good reasons where there are none.

Events can be affirmed or disputed, but ideologies cannot be fully grounded in empirical data. Each of us engages with aspects of ideological premises as we form our foundational beliefs to navigate the world. Ideologies are also not monolithic; they emerge from our unique political and social histories. Given the conventional usage of the term, can we truly label certain ideologies as “improper”? This notion is akin to accusing someone of possessing a “vivid imagination” or offering an “imprecise estimate.” In both cases, the initial adjective suggests—yet fails to provide—a definitive benchmark for assessment. We can manipulate language to mask the inherent contradictions between concepts, but ultimately, these distortions reflect an unfounded yearning for certainty. In authoritarian regimes such as Russia authorities can penalize the expression of “improper” ideas. Yet, ideas function as cognitive tools—they can embody thoughtful or dubious insights, but they should never be deemed “improper.”

Draconian sanctions against certain ideas are small-minded. It is disheartening to hear an American administration endorse this kind of rhetorical beast. Its sudden presence in our official rhetoric is unamerican and another reason to admire the built-in give and take in parliamentary systems that would expose “improper ideologies” as a semantic monstrosity.