Category Archives: Rhetorical Mastery

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The Language of War is One of Its Early Victims

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Language is frail and easily weaponized in a brutal struggle.

The current war in and around Israel is another reminder that how we describe conflict to ourselves and others usually falls far short of representing the complexities on the ground. Even those on the scene have reclaimed the phrase “fog of war” to note that soldiers may not have a sense of what is even going on even in the next block.

The Greek dramatist Aeschylus gave us the important aphorism that “truth is the first casualty of war.” It’s a familiar but timely reminder that our verbal attempts to grasp the chaos of conflict will usually be framed by what individual parties need to believe. In addition, the natural economies of language—“they” and “us,” for example—work against discovering and noting the sprawl of state players, many of which believe they are fighting to preserve different goals and values. Add in the modern requirement for journalistic brevity, and the resulting language will do us few favors.

Examples of the problem are easy to find. The claim by Israeli leaders that they want to “wipe out Hamas” applies a singular label to an enemy that is, in reality, made up of active fighters, writers, sympathetic neighboring states, equipment merchants and sympathizers, in addition to their families and friends. In fact, there is a kind of Fascist logic in talk of “wiping out” any class of residents in a given area. The phrase may have rhetorical power, but it is also brutal and blind, misrepresenting a group as a single entity.   Even beyond the moral myopia of the idea, attempts at genocide of an entire class of people rarely succeed, and usually boomerang by producing more sympathizers.

This pattern of neatly labeling the enemy produces a kind of two-sided view of conflict that is, again, and closer to reality, more like at least a six-sided conflict. Current parties include parts of the Israeli government, Israeli citizens who oppose their leadership but support its military objectives, those who don’t, Gazans and others in the West Bank who do not support Hamas, a large cadre of other nations that have disowned the violent tactics in both Hamas and Israel’s response, neighboring states-including Iran and the United States–lending support to different parties in the conflict, and NGOs who want to restore peace and provide for the needs of displaced residents.  An expert on the region’s tensions could undoubtedly add additional players, as the New York Times’ Thomas Friedman did in noting that there were really many sides.  The widespread talk of two factions thus fails to see a multidimensional scene better characterized by polygons with as many faces as a pair of dice.

Two-sidedness also feeds the easy and lazy charges of anti-Semitic and anti Muslim bigotry.  Such negative characterizations leveled against a critic may properly apply, but they can also be misused and difficult to refute, since slurs can be characterizations of unknowable intentions.

To be sure, journalists can only do so much under sometimes harrowing conditions. News producers usually set tight limits on reporting from any location. And the questions asked by studio anchors mostly seek simple answers that implicitly ask an on-site correspondent to set aside important but subtle points. Then, too, many covering wars are flown to the scene on short notice, without having sufficient time to gain the insights that came more naturally when news organizations maintained resident foreign bureaus.

A counterargument to the problem of inadequate language often concludes that images will offer details that can only be clumsily named. Scanning details of a scene of combat can be illuminating. But these kinds of pictures have their own problems. An important limitation is that any well-placed image online or in a new account usually takes on the role of being a synecdoche, meaning we tend to do a mental sleight-of-hand to let an image stand for the whole. We typically see the total destruction of apartment blocks, or victims who have had their whole world has been turned upside down. To be sure, we need the images. But a camera pointed at any place or cluster of victims will do a better job of revealing physical and expressive conditions more than a dynamic view of the conflict that we must  understand. Images personify feelings and effects; they are not primarily about ideas. The best discussions of a conflict include elaborate chronicles of the motivating ideas and grievances that have led to the breakdown of civil life.

There is no question we need to communicate to get ourselves out of wars. But the talk and the riveting images will fail us if they further weaponize the oversimplified “sides” in a struggle.

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Clueless at Governing

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No nation looks to our deliberative branch as a model for building consensus.

Congress is the best example of the price we can pay when the rewards of public performance are greater than those of private negotiation. Donald Trump and the so-called “Freedom Caucus” have tried out rhetorical in-your-face antics reminiscent of some of our darkest comics, but without the fun or wit.

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No one looking for a model of governmental efficiency would take any comfort from a good look at the current House leadership debacle. Its twin failures to produce effective public policy and work with the President offer cautionary truths about how to fail to produce effective action. The House of Representatives is a broken institution with public approval ratings to match. No country looks to our deliberative branch as a model for building consensus. Bipartisanship occasionally breaks out and offers momentary hope. But it has become a major achievement to keep the government funded for a whole month. In the process, the Speaker of the House who finally negotiated a compromise promptly lost his job. In this body, the few conciliators in the governing party that remain seem mute and mostly ineffective.  For their part, Democrats appear to be willing to let the chaos continue, hoping it will convert into electoral gains.  As an idea, E pluribus unum no longer has much appeal.

While this branch of the of government was not designed to work with the efficiency of a parliament, congressional dysfunction now leaves so much on the table that leaves Americans less well-off and secure: everything from immigration reform to timely allocations of funds for infrastructure improvements. We know this institution is in deep trouble when many of its members are now willing to risk triggering a government default and imperiling the dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency: usually for no more than pressing some dubious ideological point.

What is wrong? What best practices for communicating in organizations are routinely ignored? Briefly, some of the overwhelming problems on Capitol Hill have their origins in two ineffective communication patterns.

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The first is that the body is obviously and hopelessly organized into factions—notably parties, special interest caucuses, and their media—making it likely that members will only work to defend their kind rather than the whole. Since most of the process of legislating is done away from the floors of the House and Senate, it falls to party leaders, whips, and members to work out in private and with their own caucuses what they will accept by way of a legislative agenda. Differences of opinion have fewer chances to be moderated in environments that would encourage conciliation. The founders feared this hyper partisanship for good reason. Indeed, Senate and House Leaders now move so cautiously in their narrow partisan lanes that it can be hard to tell if their images on a screen are stills photos or videos.

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This problem is compounded by a tradition of individual offices set up as separate fiefdoms spread over four buildings on the east side of the Capitol. One wonders how different legislative life would be if the 435 voting members of the House worked in the conditions known to most of white-collar America: in the same ‘cubicle farm’ spread over one or two floors. As it is, support staffs and dispersed offices enable the kind of isolation of members that discourages more discussion across party lines. Revealingly, members note that most no longer share a meal in the U.S. Capitol’s various dining rooms: a small but revealing change from the past.

A second problem is the changing character of those seeking high public office. In the age of social media and 24-hour news there seems to be more interest in the expressive possibilities of serving in public office than doing the work of governing.  The temptation to continually raise campaign funds can easily become all-consuming.

In the lore of Congress there has always been an expectation that the “show horses” would sometimes win out over the “work horses.”  A retired Lyndon Johnson once complained to a CBS producer about the “pretty boys” created by the growth of television. The former Senate Majority leader’s point was that visual media gave rise to a new breed of members more interested in the theater of politics than finding ways to bridge differences.  We are electing figures who have very little interest or skill in active deliberation.

Since it is a solid axiom that we more easily find comity in small groups, trying to forge leadership within large bodies like the 535 member Congress needs to be seen for the problem it frequently is: the organizational equivalent of trying to get even a few dozen college professors to form a single straight line.  We seem to no longer find much joy in political unity.

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