All posts by Gary C. Woodward

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How Do We Know What’s Going On?

letters in pileNovelists have the advantage of building a story around thoughts not expressed in outward behavior.

A recent novel reviewed in the New York Times portrays a 15-year-old plagued by panic attacks. Micheal Clune has certainly written a timely book. But the review made me wonder if a more direct route to the subject would be a work of non-fiction, building on a growing body of research documenting the strains of growing up in our fractured culture. The thought came up because I find ther subject interesting, even though I’m typically not a reader of fiction. I seem to find enough excitement and mayhem in descriptions of real American life.

But I have changed my mind. On second thought, the novel that I still need to read probably allows better access to the plausible intrapersonal chatter that happens within key figures. A leap into a subject’s interiority is so much easier for a storyteller. Especially in a bright but terrified teen, the clearest lens capturing their world is surely all of those unspoken but felt impressions ehat can be written into a narrative. Novelists devise all kinds of clever ways to let us eavesdrop, either through the words of a narrator, or in first-person thoughts passed only to the reader.

As a parent and a former occupant of a much younger body, it is still easy to remember how opaque we sometimes were to parents and other adults. In adolesence moody silence is almost the norm. At least it was true for my brother and me. I can remember my parents grasping for any information about whether we enjoyed a date or party. There are sometimes exceptions, as seen in Richard Linklater’s fascinating multi-year narrative, Boyhood (2014). But a nearly mute adolescent male is a familiar type.

The Brookings Institution’s Richard Reeves has coined the term “male malaise” to describe the challenging odds young men face in realizing the American Dream, with its legacy of earning a spot on the culture’s ladder of success. In addition, boys are encouraged to model heroes shown to act aggressively but explain very little. It fits that classic actors like Marlon Brando, Steve McQueen and Sylvester Stallone were known to cut lines from their scripts, flexing all of their muscles except their vocal cords. Likewise, we have never seen a “wordy” John Wayne film. To be sure, these are old examples, but Hollywood has always favored capturing the visual demeanor of characters more than their lines. It follows that the cinematic idea of getting ahead still oversells male machismo and superhuman power.

Novels exploring the psychology of their characters also have the additional advantage of escaping the dilemma of dwelling on less than flattering revelations about an actual person. Autobiographies, for example, are not known for their frank candor. We have narrative characters to fill the gap. What lurks in the darkest corner of a story can be played out without an unwanted trail of thoughts leading back to a person still with us. If, as Ralph Waldo Emerson said, “Fiction reveals truth that reality obscures,” it is because the  tools of narrataion can make what is hidden more transparent. The old saw passed on to new writers to reveal characters through actions rather than description makes sense. But a writer can facilitate a character’s interiority in so many interesting ways. In her book for would-be authors (Bird by Bird, 1995) Anne Lamott notes that “we write to expose the unexposed.”

If there is one door in the castle you have been told not to go through, you must. Otherwise, you’ll just be rearranging furniture in rooms you’ve already been in. Most human beings are dedicated to keeping that one door shut. But the writer’s job is to see what’s behind it, to see the bleak unspeakable stuff, and to turn the unspeakable into words. . .

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A Runaway Presidency

Our present experience suggests that the nation’s founders failed to prevent what they feared. Why were they so eager to pretend Britain was a top-down monarchy?

At the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia the colonists’ representatives reveled in anti-monarchist thought. The founding fathers wanted to create a way to avoid a monarchy, beginning the work of establishing a government to be shared by three co-equal branches. They were certain there would be no equivalent to King George III in what would become the federal district established along the Potomac. John Adams was among the first to propose the three-way power sharing we are supposed to have today. So there is a dark irony in the fact that we now have—more or less–what he and his deliberators in 1776 wanted to avoid.  And though it is not fair to simply cast blame for a lack of foresight at this and the later 1787 Constitutional convention, it is clear that the founders’ vision of distributed power failed to adequately account for the possibility of a runaway presidency.

Today evidence of the near-collapse of legislative and judicial functions at the federal level is all around us. One party controls all three branches of government. Indeed, we have a single-party controlling majorities in both houses of Congress who functions more like spectators than participants in the Trump circus. One can wonder if those folks in the majority should be paying Broadway theater prices for the seats they occupy as passive observers to the dismemberment of the federal government. The courts are more active, but mostly delay but not change the Trump agenda. And both lack any constitutional teeth to punish the executive bureaucracy for overreach, leaving the Presidency with increasingly unchecked power. The rarely used “guard rooms” in the basement of the Capitol are a reminder of the limited power of Congress to enforce anything it does. As to the judiciary, “court shopping” and long appeals processes today endlessly postpone reckonings for most of the wealthy who are facing civil or criminal actions.

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In hindsight, there should be more direct constitutional checks on the abuse and compliance enforcement acts undertaken by the misnamed ‘administrative’ branch of government.

Only the Commander-in-Chief has broad authority to oversee what has evolved from administrative to policing agencies. They range from the military services to the  F.B.I., to HHS. For example, in a break with precedent Donald Trump is using the Department of Justice to pursue his own urges for punishment and retribution. Ditto for federally supported arts, education, and research units in every corner of the nation. Article II of the constitution is mostly silent on  limiting these magnifications of power.

In short, the nation’s founders failed to prevent what they feared. We have a President who behaves like a king. Moreover, in hindsight it is obvious that founders like James Madison knew that Britain’s civil life even in the  mid-1700s did not amount to a simple monarchy. The House of Commons evolved much earlier, in the 13th and 14th centuries. Even a cursory reading of British history yields the conclusion that an active parliamentary system in Britain was established well before America declared her independence. The founders would have known about the power of Sir Robert Walpole, who dominated the political scene in London and became the first British Prime Minister. They had the example of an emerging parliamentary system of government if they wanted to consider it.

Why were the founders so eager to pretend Britain was a top-down monarchy? It turns out that scapegoating to the mentally challenged king was perhaps a bit too easy. I have new sympathies for the loyalists within the colonies who were willing to stake their futures on British rule and the advantages of a parliamentary system over a republic. Even within a titular monarchy, parliamentary governments have advantages and flexibilities that are lost in republics like ours which thwart direct elections and are slow to adapt to changing political circumstances. Our system leaves disastrous parties and our own mentally challenged Presidents in control for far too long. And so we stagnate. Constitutionally, and when a political party is complicit, we have no viable pathways to “no confidence” votes against a leader that could pull us out of our civil miseries.