Tag Archives: Pete Hegseth

Because They Said So

We assume we can be in charge because our language easily lets us imagine it.

Rhetoricians like to say that language has its way with us. The phrase is meant to be a reminder that everyday language steers us to conclusions that usually promise more than we as individual agents can deliver. Word choice can easily create perceptions that can make the unlikely more likely, the improbable possible, the fantasy an outcome that will surely happen. We can tie a wish to an action verb, and we are off and running, creating expectations for circumstances that probably will not materialize. Who knew that simple verbs like “is” and “will” can trigger phantoms of deceit?  The phrase “because I say so” is a pretty empty reason.

What seems inescapable is that the ease of committing ourselves to the control of events verbally is easy but difficult in actual practice. This reality is something we’ve come to know all too well in any period of war, where action verbs suggest more control than we actually have. In his recent speech to military leaders, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth asserted that “Either we’re ready to win or we are not,” overstating a single two-tailed option the belies the functions of any military in these complicated times. Hegseth’s language fit the warrior ethos” and “male standard” that he was peddling. But problems associated with foreign policy and its entanglements are highly variable. These words hardly hint at the peacekeeping that arguably remains the long-term burden of the American military. In addition, the Secretary must know that nearly 20 percent of our troops are women. As is so often the case, circumstances on the ground tend to get lost in the neon glow of rhetoric too dim to clearly see the Truth.

Blame our overly deterministic language.

We construct the world as a web of causes and their presumed effects. It’s natural that we will place ourselves and our institutions in the driver’s seat. We assume we can be in charge because our language so easily lets us imagine it. Blame our overly deterministic language as well as the hubris it encourages. Both set up tight effects loops that seem clear on the page but elusive in life.

If we put individual verbs in a lineup, they look more or less innocent: words like affect, ready, make, destroy, are, causes, starts, produces, alters, stops, triggers, controls, contributes, changes, and so on. In the right company they are suggestive. But let them lose in the rhetoric of a leader determined to make his or her mark on the public stage, and they can be vacuous. This is the realm of the familiar idea of “unintended effects,” where what we intended and what actually happens are different. Verbs flatter us by making us active agents, but as President Trump has learned about Russia’s attacks on Ukraine, fantasies of power and control suggest more order in human affairs than usually exists.

There is another interesting twist here. The use of verbs to project expected outcomes is ironically aggravated by our devotion to the scientific method. As Psychologist Steven Pinker has observed, we can’t do science without buying into the view that we can identify first causes. That’s fine for discovering the origins of a troublesome human disease. But even though this logic has spread through the culture, it cannot hold when we immerse ourselves in the infinite complexities of human conduct. Discovering as opposed to fantasizing the reasons and motivations of others is difficult. Add in large entities such as nations or tribes, and first causes of their conduct are often unknowable. And so strategic calculations based on efforts to influence or control behavior are bound to produce disappointment.

It’s a great paradox that we are so easily outgunned by the stunningly capricious nature of the human condition. Take it from someone who has spent a lifetime writing and teaching why people change their minds. We have models, theories and loads of experimental research. But making predictions about any specific instance is almost always another case of hope defeated by extenuating circumstances. We may be able to say what we want, giving eloquent expression to the goals we seek. Our verbs may sing their certainty. But forces we can’t predict are going to produce their own effects.

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Fit For Service?

Donald Trump was elected to be the next president by a plurality of the nation’s voters, who apparently wanted lower food prices even more than they wanted competence.

Those working in a governmental capacity need to be “fit for service,” meaning capable of representing the interests of the public they have sworn to serve. Taxpayers have a right to expect that they will be treated fairly by those officials who will be paid from public funds. Does this prohibit the election of a felon also convicted of sexual harassment? Apparently not. This particular felon was elected to be the next president by a plurality of the nation’s voters who probably wanted lower food prices even more than they wanted competence. His immediate task is to select department and agency heads that can administer the vast number of workers and tasks that have evolved over the years. The Department of Defense, for example, has almost three million employees. The Department of Transportation is smaller, but oversees 11 agencies, covering vital areas including aviation, highways and railroads. No corner of American life is neglected for oversight of a federal agency.

The federal establishment is so vast, and because this is politics, it seems improbable that any president could consistently make appointments of people who are fully versed in the needs of stakeholders they are meant to serve.  This is because every president taps friends and supporters for plum agency and overseas positions. Luckily, there are also real experts with career-long work already in staff support positions.

It is also useful to think counterintuitively for a moment. Most administrative agencies are actually needed by the businesses and groups they regulate. They serve in part to reassure  citizens that important governmental functions are monitored. As political scientist Murray Edelman pointed out years ago in The Symbolic Uses of Politics, agencies like the FAA or the department of Agriculture have useful symbiotic relationships to the businesses they ostensibly regulate. The perception may be that the agencies serve all Americans. The reality is that they often foster policies favored by special interests, sometimes at the expense of the larger public. Laws passed in Congress and enforced by the agencies are often written by interest groups themselves. Writing in the 1960s, Edelman’s point was that organizations need the legitimacy of an apparent watchdog who can share in the blame if a key function goes off the rails. Businesses are anxious to win government certifications. FDA approval of a prescription drug, or FAA certification of an airplane can act as a buffer for complaints from citizens or public interest groups.

It is also true that agency heads come disproportionately from the enterprises they would regulate. For that reason, many fit the characterization of being potential wolves guarding a henhouse. Will Elon Musk, a co-chair of an invention called the Department of Governmental Efficiency, be a fair arbiter of how many staffers remain at the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration? The agency sets standards for auto safety, including Musk’s Tesla vehicles. And how will NPR, Amtrak and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting—all quasi-public enterprises–fare against the world’s richest man and the and billionaires lined up behind Trump?

The question of fitness for office promotes reasonable queries about those selected to lead various major departments and agencies. The problem is complex, with some  disturbing results.

The final cabinet is still evolving. But had Matt Gaetz continued as Donald Trump’s pick for attorney general, he would have carried a legacy of open legal challenges arising from charges of statutory rape, using illegal drugs, and accepting gifts prohibited by congressional rules. The idea of Gaetz as the nation’s face of law enforcement left many Americans aghast.

And the list goes on and on. Pat Bondi as the present Department of Justice nominee has also been a lobbyist for private prison companies sued by the Justice Department for polluting. Dr. Mehmet Oz as the nominated head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid has been accused of promoting dubious medical products on his TV shows. And Pete Hegseth, who has an impressive record as a soldier, still comes to the position of Secretary of Defense as a Fox News host, along with allegations of a sexual assault and a clear record of alcohol abuse. He has the usual MAGA list of aggressive opinions: that Muslim Americans represent “an existential threat;” that the military could be used against other Americans in places like Seattle, that Mexico might be a legitimate target for unleashing American firepower, and so on. Even Trump allies wonder if Hegseth is up to leading one of the most consequential federal departments.

We can wonder if gross incompetence posed by some of Trump’s nominees is greater than the external threats that he loves to promote. In this bewildering new government, even very supportive NATO allies Canada and Denmark are potential adversaries. There is shame in misusing American “leadership” in this way, and we will pay a price. Attacking our friends has all the grace of shouting insults to neighbors across the backyard fence. More crucially, it gives our enemies openings they can exploit.